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Brown James C. Clark James C. Dabrowiak James C. Daly James C. Thus, even when a successful commander won a formal triumph, Tacitus is still critical of the princeps for meddling in the campaign.
Tacitus most likely was aware of this detail, yet he also knew that in truth Thusnelda had not been captured, but had been handed over by her own father Segestes as a hostage Ann.
As a historian, Tacitus had to choose either to narrate the events of the triumph in all their detail for the purpose of revealing it as pretense or to ignore the sham triumph, omitting these embarrassing details for the purpose of sparing Germanicus from participation in such events.
He chose the latter. Tacitus does not assail the princeps alone for the corruption of military honors; he also attacks the senate for abetting this corruption.
The senate did little to restrain the princeps and merely demonstrated its own servility in praising military victories that in reality were dubious achievements.
In CE 50, P. Ostorius was also granted triumphal insignia. Tacitus, however, points out that the war was not over and shortly afterward some cohorts were overcome, barely escaping alive This setback was followed by another rout of the Romans, who continued to suffer small defeats until Ostorius suddenly died The significance of the triumph declined.
Vetus and his colleague on the Lower Rhine, Pompeius Paulinus, were motivated to undertake public works because they hoped for greater distinction through peace, since triumphal honors had become meaningless Ann.
Tacitus, however, attempts to show that the effects were detrimental to the security of the empire. In the ensuing paragraph Thus encouraged, the Frisians migrated to the eastern bank of the Rhine and settled in fields cleared for the use of Roman soldiers.
In the end, little came of the matter and the Frisians were forced back into their old districts. Nonetheless, Tacitus uses this episode to warn of the potential dangers of the slack military discipline encouraged by the policies of the senate and principes through the corruption of military honors.
The senate came out in festive dress; women and children appeared in throngs. Some bleachers were put out in the sun along the route in the manner of a triumph Ann.
Nero, encouraged by the crowds, ascended the Capitol, completing a mockery of an honored Roman tradition. The Campaigns against Tacfarinas Though ignored by other extant historians, the war in Africa against the Numidian Tacfarinas provided Tacitus a perfect opportunity to demonstrate the corruption of military affairs under the Principate Ann.
Although other commanders had received honors for a job partially completed, P. Cornelius Dolabella, the eventual victor, concluded the war with a smaller army, captured prominent combatants, and brought about the death of the enemy commander.
Yet he was denied the triumphal insignia through the machinations of Sejanus, whose uncle, the aforementioned Q. Junius Blaesus, had also fought in Africa, though with little distinction 4.
Sejanus feared that Blaesus, the imperator 3. Tiberius had granted triumphal insignia to Blaesus as an honor to Sejanus Ann.
Dolabella brought greater stability to Africa and received the deputies from Garamantia, who were impressed with his handling of the war against Tacfarinas.
The Republican treatment of Ptolemy, however, reinforces the un-Republican treatment of Dolabella.
The account of this campaign discloses something about Tacitus as a writer, for he is the only extant historian to give any attention to Tacfarinas and the war against him.
I suggest that Tacitus includes the war against Tacfarinas precisely because it enables him to highlight the corruption outlined above and to reveal how things worked under the Principate, the arcanum imperii.
Further, this revelation serves the purpose of effecting change. As Tacitus makes clear in the early chapters of the Agricola and reminds his readers in the early chapters of the Annales, the Principate operated upon secrecy and deception.
His writings hold the Principate accountable for the actions carried out by that deception. The martial virtues, however, were imperial virtues Ag.
The princeps alone could possess them, or else the one who did possess them could threaten to become princeps. The princeps had to be sure that no commander won too many victories and with them the prestige needed to challenge the princeps.
Imperial ideology dictated that the princeps, as imperator, be recognized as the supreme military commander. This created a fundamental conflict between commander and princeps.
Agricola is described as possessing prudentia Ag. In Britain, just as in Aquitania, the more Agricola tried to avoid fama, the more it accrued to him: ne laureatis quidem gesta prosecutus est, sed ipsa dissimulatione famae famam auxit, aestimantibus quanta futuri spe tam magna tacuisset Ag.
Agricola, in contrast to the princeps, was a man who spoke what was on his mind and did not harbor ill feelings. He also had a senatorial career, but it was not how he won glory or served the state most effectively.
Agricola served as tribunus plebis in the tumultuous year of 66, which he spent in quies and otium, mindful of the times in which idleness passed for wisdom Ag.
Agricola the general, however, contributes greatly through his military victories and his administration of justice in his province, both of which protect and strengthen the res publica.
Tacitus presents a warning to potentially active participants in the Principate: be silent and survive; be industrious and risk death.
Nonetheless, in his closing consolation to the Agricola, Tacitus calls his readers to emulate Agricola and his virtues, a clear message that Tacitus sought to stimulate virtuous behavior through his writings Ag.
In this way, he is similar to Agricola, who thrives in far off Britain but leads a life of exile at the court of Domitian in Rome. It is widely recognized that Tacitus portrayed Germanicus as a foil for Tiberius.
Tacitus gives several reasons for this. Germanicus earned both the hatred of Tiberius and Livia and the support of the people because of his father Nero Drusus, who lived in their memory, magna apud populum Romanum memoria Ann.
Moreover, the people believed that if Nero Drusus had survived he would have restored the Republic, libertatem redditurus.
Tacitus frequently ascribes to Germanicus the virtue of comitas Ann. He was mourned by foreign nations and kings for his kindness toward allies and his clemency toward enemies Ann.
In the comparison of Germanicus and Alexander at his funeral, Germanicus stood out for his clemency, moderation, and other virtues 2. Although these traits get Germanicus into trouble during the mutiny and with Piso, they are the exact same virtues that endear him to his soldiers and the people of Rome.
Tacitus does not say whether the sentiments of the crowd were true or mere delusion. By concealing his thoughts in the words of others, Tacitus separates himself from the hostility of the statements and at the same time gives greater authority to them.
Tacitus does not even spare Augustus, who had added significant territory to the empire. Upon his death, Augustus left the injunction that the limits of the empire should be set at the existing boundaries.
Thus, while Tiberius hesitated to assume power back in Rome, he was doing everything in his power to win the allegiance of the armies in the provinces Ann.
Into the forum, into the curia soldiers accompanied him. He sent letters to the armies as if he had taken up the Principate. Nowhere did he delay, except when he spoke before the senate.
As this passage shows, Tiberius is suspicious of Germanicus from the very beginning of his reign merely for possessing the legions on the Rhine.
In this passage, Tacitus reveals the contradiction: in Rome Tiberius behaved as if the Republic still existed tamquam vetere re publica , but his actions to secure the military reveal that it was an autocracy.
Such inconsistency could not help but create ambiguity and confusion, which one suspects benefited the princeps.
Tacitus lauds Germanicus and depicts his raid against the Germans following the suppression of the mutiny in heroic language despite its mixed results Ann.
As Tacitus presents the situation, Germanicus was trapped. These were the inexorable demands the Principate placed upon military commanders.
Consequently, he wrote Germanicus to come back to celebrate a triumph. When Germanicus petitioned for one more year, Tiberius promised a second consulship to be held in person.
Germanicus reluctantly agreed, aware that Tiberius was motivated by jealousy and a desire to diminish his glory 2.
Germanicus could not even include his own name on the victory trophy set up by his soldiers, perhaps out of fear of imperial jealousy. Under the Republic, Germanicus would have been free to seek military glory, yet he is prevented by the envy invidia of the princeps.
Even provincial legates were motivated by invidia to obstruct the plans of their colleagues. Such was the case when L. The legate of Gallia Belgica, Aelius Gracilis, prompted by invidia, deterred Vetus from leading his legions into a province outside his command and thus the opportunity to seek popularity in Gaul.
When Agricola returned to Rome, he too was regarded by Domitian as greatly alarming, maxime formidolosus Ag. Tacitus uses formidolosus of both Agricola and later Corbulo, in settings in which the princeps became jealous and suspicious following their military victories Ag.
Agricola, the triumphal commander, was compelled to sneak into the city by night to visit the imperial palace, avoiding his friends and their receptions Ag.
Rome had seen countless welcoming receptions for its conquerors. Now its military commanders had to return silently in the dead of night.
Once in the palace, Agricola did not even converse with Domitian, but mixed in with the throng of servientes. Agricola returned to Rome never to hold a government position again.
Afterward he withdrew from public life to drain to the dregs the cup of retirement and repose, tranquillitatem atque otium penitus hausit, so as not to have his military name be a burden to idlers, grave inter otiosos Vettius Bolanus and Sex.
Julius Frontinus held the proconsulship of Asia and Q. Petillius Cerialis a second consulship. Agricola was accused in his absence and acquitted without being able to offer a defense Ag.
There was never any formal charge put to Agricola. Instead, he was threatened by a princeps hostile to virtue, his own fame, and those who would praise him whether insidiously or sincerely: infensus virtutibus princeps et gloria viri ac pessimum inimicorum genus, laudantes These charges, vaguely reported by Tacitus, lay the groundwork for his insinuation that Domitian poisoned Agricola.
Eventually the time came, however, when Agricola was eligible to cast his lot for the proconsulships of Africa and Asia, which despite their lack of large military forces could still place suspicion on their proconsuls Ag.
The most recent proconsul of Asia, C. Vettulenus Civica Cerialis, had just been executed Again imperial agents were sent to interrogate Agricola on the issue and to persuade him to turn down the proconsulship by praising quies and otium, the opposites of industria and vigor Encouraging and threatening Agricola, they dragged him to Domitian to submit his petition to be excused, which was readily accepted.
The proconsular salary, however, was not granted, a final insult. Under Domitian, it becomes a dangerous position, as witnessed by the execution of Civica and the petition of Agricola.
Although Germanicus and Agricola are the most prominent military commanders in Tacitus to fall under the suspicion of the princeps, there were some who never even had the chance to take up their posts on account of the fear and suspicion of the emperor.
At Annales 1. Tacitus later gives the examples of L. Aelius Lamia and L. Arruntius, who were both detained in Rome for a decade 6.
Arruntius of course is memorable for being described by Augustus as being worthy of becoming princeps and daring enough if the opportunity presented itself 1.
First, those appointed to govern the provinces and command legions were prevented from carrying out their public responsibilities. Second, by keeping these men in positions of authority, however emasculated it was, others were denied the opportunity to pursue reasonable career ambitions.
Death and the Dux Romanus The jealousy and suspicion under which successful commanders such as Agricola and Germanicus lived are reflected in the suspect circumstances in which they died.
His death, however, was an event of much mystery Ag. Rumor had it that Agricola had been poisoned, and although he refuses to confirm, Tacitus does not hesitate to elaborate Ag.
Germanicus himself believed that Piso poisoned him Ann. Germanicus renounced his friendship with Piso 2. The suggestion is rather audacious since Piso was notoriously independent and took orders only from one person, the princeps, and even then reluctantly 1.
If Piso acted on orders, then they could have come only from Tiberius. In his private words to his wife Agrippina, Germanicus was rumored to be more explicit about his fear of Tiberius 2.
Further, there were rumors that Piso did not commit suicide but was executed. Tacitus does not confirm these reports, but he refuses to suppress them, just as in the death of Agricola Ag.
Tacitus is quick to note that Tiberius was absent from the public and widespread mourning for Germanicus. The lack of adulation was a stark contrast with other imperial deaths, such as Drusus and Livia 4.
They stayed indoors so that they would not be seen publicly mourning, or, as Tacitus insidiously suggests, so that no one would be able to discern their hypocrisy.
Tacitus concludes the case by writing that the great event is an obscure event, maxima quaeque ambigua sunt; the whole affair was to both contemporaries and succeeding generations a matter of great speculation and rumor Ann.
The arcana of the Principate had obscured the truth. Why Tacitus wrote his account this way must be answered in part by his desire to portray Tiberius, and principes in general, as inherently suspicious of virtuous and competent commanders.
By prominently including these rumors, Tacitus suggests that the principes involved were more concerned with their own status and survival than they were with the common good.
This is in strong distinction to the military commanders in question, who are portrayed as risking their lives for the common good, the res publica.
The principes were thus the enemies not only of the common good but also of Rome. So despite the vaunted claims of various principes, Augustus chief among them, that they restored or guaranteed peace, Tacitus undermines such claims and portrays them as a threat to Rome, indeed an enemy.
Tacitus begins his critique of the princeps as an enemy of Rome with the settlement of Augustus. Rather Annales 1. After the battle of Actium, he inscribed the monument at Nicopolis pace parta terra marique.
At Annales 3. It is not surprising then that in the Historiae Tacitus depicts the principes as actual enemies of Rome and equally destructive as any of the strongmen of the Late Republic.
Galba, Otho, and Vitellius are easy to single out, and our ancient sources record little that is admirable about any of them.
All of them, including Vespasian, brought much destruction upon Rome. Vitellius stands out as particularly deplorable. Tacitus portrays Vitellius and his supporters as hostile to Rome by depicting them as Gauls.
Moreover, the Flavians, who trampled the dead after the battle of Bedriacum 3. This is to be expected at least from the propaganda of the victors of the civil war, but Tacitus does not limit his depiction of principes as enemies of the state to those who waged war to become princeps.
Thus, Rome is a battlefield strewn with slaughter after the fall of Sejanus Ann. He is depicted as triumphator after the assassination of his mother, inspiring Tacitus to call him the arrogant victor over public servitude Following the fire at Rome, Nero pillages the empire as if it were a defeated enemy The position of princeps, unless tempered by the principle of adoption, essentially institutionalized strife and civil war into the Roman political system.
Although Tacitus writes in the prologues of the Agricola and Historiae that Nerva and Trajan provided security, in the rest of his writings, in particular the Annales, Tacitus shows how the Principate threatened the security of the state and prevented libertas at the same time.
When the Parthians renewed their hostility toward the Romans, Tiberius rejoiced because it provided him with a pretext to recall Germanicus and to place him in an unfamiliar province with unfamiliar troops Ann.
Upon the death of Germanicus, the Parthians soon turned hostile. The Parthian king Artabanus, who, once faithful to the Romans and just to his own subjects on account of his fear of Germanicus, soon became arrogant toward the Romans and cruel to his own people 6.
Although Agricola was condemned to silence, national disasters would not allow him to be forgotten as a number of legions suffered losses because of poor leadership, while Agricola remained idle Ag.
Even now, as Agricola tried to avoid public attention, he was driven to glory by his virtues and the vices of others Tacitus is not resorting to rhetorical hyperbole; these military setbacks were very real.
In 85 the Dacians had invaded Moesia and killed the legate Oppius Sabinus; they later defeated and killed the praetorian prefect Cornelius Fuscus and destroyed his army in Antonius Saturninus revolted along the Rhine in 88, and in 89 Domitian himself was defeated by the Marcomanni and Quadi.
Lastly, the Iazyges invaded Pannonia and annihilated a legion in The dedicated service to the res publica exhibited by Agricola and Germanicus stands in stark contrast to the paranoid and self-serving behavior of their principes.
The Frisians revolted more because of Roman avarice than their impatience with subjugation 4. Apronius, the Roman legionaries entered into battle in a disorganized manner more reminiscent of barbarians 4.
Apronius for his defeat at the hands of the Frisians 4. The reversal was disgraceful enough, but Apronius did not even bury the dead, which included tribunes, prefects, and centurions.
Even more significant than the defeat is the reaction of the princeps and senate. While the Frisians won great fame throughout Germany, Tiberius suppressed news of the loss at Rome, afraid to present the opportunity for gloria to another commander.
The senate neglected to address the defeat because of the crisis at home, a pavor internus, caused by Sejanus 4.
The metus hostilis, which under the Republic led to concordia at home, was overshadowed by the domestic fears caused by the imperial regime.
The senate was besieged by Sejanus, and Tiberius was more concerned with preventing any rivals from gaining glory and thus power. So while the Frisians enjoyed a renewed sense of freedom from Rome, the Romans themselves were in servitude to Sejanus and Tiberius.
The entire episode demonstrates how the absence of libertas at Rome impacted military affairs beyond the border. How then should an individual operate under such conditions in a way that was demonstrative of libertas?
There have been hints at how this could be done in a military context in what I have mentioned about Agricola and Germanicus thus far. Domitius Corbulo and the Restoration of Military Libertas Along with Germanicus and Agricola, Cn.
Tacitus portrays Corbulo admirably for his decision to fulfill his duty to the res publica, that is, to act as a free citizen of Rome with a spirit of libertas.
This does not mean that Tacitus portrays Corbulo as being successful in every way, and especially not in the terms of success as the Principate defined them, that is, promotion and survival.
In fact, Corbulo famously regretted sparing Nero and coming unarmed to his meeting with the princeps, from whom he received his order to be executed Dio Corbulo, like others Tacitus highlights, resisted the Principate by serving the res publica, not the princeps, who typically was more concerned with his own survival rather than the health of the state.
Corbulo, despite the danger it will bring him, does not shrink from his responsibility. Even though the fulfillment of this duty draws him into conflict with Claudius and Nero, Tacitus portrays him as a model Roman general deserving comparison with the military commanders of the Republic.
Corbulo, consul suffectus in 39, was the most acclaimed general during the reigns of Claudius and Nero and consequently plays a prominent role in the latter third of the Annales.
Corbulo functions for Tacitus in a manner similar to Germanicus. Just as Tiberius had his popular commander Germanicus, so Nero had Corbulo.
In this passage, Corbulo, like Germanicus, is portrayed with Republican virtues. The first thing Corbulo focused on after the defeat of the Chauci was to restore the legions to their ancient virtues It was reported that two soldiers were even executed for not carrying out their work with their proper armaments The Frisians, who, as mentioned above, had defeated that dux Romanus L.
Apronius in CE 28 Ann. He also secured the execution of Gannascus, the leader of the Chauci. Tacitus makes the distinction between Corbulo and Apronius explicit by mentioning him by name In contrast, Corbulo through his severitas secured the victory and strengthened the empire.
Back at Rome, however, his successes caused consternation. The news was welcome to many, but some, who had the ear of the princeps, found it sinister.
Here Tacitus unequivocally states the dilemma facing imperial generals: while defeat certainly did not help a military career, success could often threaten it.
The emperor was persuaded by the rhetoric of his advisors. In return for his successes, Corbulo was ordered by Claudius to return his soldiers to the west bank of the Rhine.
Modern scholars may praise Claudius for stemming a potentially reckless campaign across the Rhine, but Tacitus does not interpret the episode in this way.
The passage outlines how the fear of civil war thwarted the ambitions of Roman generals and encouraged them more to otium than gloria.
Corbulo was preparing his camp when the order to return came unexpectedly Ann. To express his dismay, Corbulo cried out his famous words, beatos quondam duces Romanos.
The Republic, as it became idealized, expected generals to press their successes as much as possible; the state thereby benefited.
Caesar even considered this privilege worth fighting a civil war over. The Principate turned that reasoning on its head: military success was as dangerous as military defeat.
Tacitus uses the episode to disparage once again the legitimacy of imperial military awards. He maliciously writes that Claudius conceded the triumphal insignia to Corbulo, although he did not allow him to fight the war, which presumably would have justified the insignia Ann.
The contradiction inherent in this statement is startling and echoes the recall of Germanicus and his triumph, which was granted though the war was denied 2.
Rufus also won triumphal insignia; he received them, however, for merely opening a mine. Moreover, the mine yielded little silver and the soldiers paid dearly in lost supplies while digging it out.
Rufus was adulatory toward his superiors, arrogant to inferiors, and cumbersome to peers Still more, Tacitus juxtaposes a commander who truly served Rome and a commander who served only his self-interest.
The image of the army asking the emperor to do such a thing is highly ironic and practically ludicrous.
Traditionally the soldiers, not just the general, shared in the triumph, which was a reflection on them as much as on their commander. Their willingness to forgo such an honor indicated that even the soldiery was aware that the practice was not based on military achievement and that the honor had become cheapened under the Principate.
Nevertheless, beyond the accustomed flattery the appointment of Corbulo brought genuine happiness to the senate and an opportunity for Corbulo to display his virtues Lepidus 4.
In his negotiations with Tiridates, Corbulo is described as a vetus et providus dux and a dux Romanus Ann. Corbulo thought it was worthy to recover for the Roman people the great conquests of Lucullus and Pompey Lucullus had taken in 69 BCE Corbulo did restore discipline in the East just as he had along the Rhine Ann.
He inspired by his leadership: in the midst of a cold winter, he went among the soldiers lightly dressed and with an uncovered head.
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Barney Glaser and Classic Grounded Theory. Led by Dr. Markko Hamalainen, Dr. Alvita Nathaniel, and Dr. Michael K. For further information contact Markko at: HamalainenM darden.
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Andy Lowe. For further information contact Gonzalo Jimenez Seminario at gjimenez proteus. See Seminars for further information on all the upcoming seminars.
Barney Glaser's now world famous troubleshooting seminars are designed for PhD candidates to trouble shoot exactly their next question with regard to doing their GT dissertation.
The goal is to get candidates closer to finishing the PhD dissertation, by troubleshooting their current GT problem s and listening to other student's current GT problems in an open, supportive and noncompetitive discussion.
Seminars cover the many GT issues candidates face in completing their PhD dissertation. All students will learn from each other, and receive invaluable help.
The book is about the origins and growth of grounded theory GT as developed and written by Barney G. It is not written to compete or compare with other QDA methods.
The competition with other perspectives is up to the reader to write up, if he so desires. My goal in this paper is to write up the GT perspective clearly and historically to date so it can be used by others in research and the rhetorical wrestle between different perspectives.
As GT spreads throughout the world a clear view of the GT perspective is constantly needed and requested from me by researchers for doing GT and for trying to explain the method to others, particularly supervisors and peer reviewers.
One of the precious properties of classical grounded theory GT is the autonomy it gives the researcher. A response to a cry for help from a novice GT researcher can take away his autonomy It can be a strong answer by a strong senior researcher that undermines the merging theory of the novice.
The novice must be careful not to yield or give away his power of autonomy for a need for help as desperate as he may feel the need.
This book deals with this issue of losing and of preserving autonomy and many related issues. This book deals simply with choosing classic grounded theory CGT as the methodology to use mainly for doing the dissertation.
CGT stands alone as a separate method not as a competitive method in conflict and controversy with all the QDA qualitative data analysis methods jargonized as a type of GT.
This reader provides a myriad of CGT properties to consider in choosing it as the method to use. There will be no competitive arguments with other methods offered here.
It is designed to have CGT chosen on its merits for the user, not better or worse. Classic Grounded Theory: Applications With Qualitative and Quantitative Data.
It can be pre-ordered by going to. Grounded Theory Review is now an open access journal! Are you undertaking a classic grounded theory study, but have no one to mentor you?
She can connect you with a Grounded Theory Institute Fellow who can offer you tailored support. Congratulations to editors Vivian Martin and Astrid Gynnild on the publication of Grounded Theory: the Philosophy, Method, and Work of Barney Glaser.
This anthology brings together a collection of articles on classic grounded theory organized around the concept of mentoring the method.
The four sections for the book are: "Teaching Grounded Theory", "Doing Grounded Theory", "Historical and Philosophical Grounding", and "Advancing Grounded Theory".
With 19 contributors, most of whom have studied with Barney Glaser; the book is a wonderful tribute to both the man and the method. It does a great job of explaining the roots of GT exploring the life, philosophies and influences on Barney Glaser , correcting some misunderstanding about the method, and looking at advances in the method.
It is useful to both the novice and the experienced researcher. He talks about the literature review, grounded theory as a jargon, high impact variables, conceptualization, and more.
FloraFaunaAltoAdige www. Il portale fornisce i dati sulla distribuzione dei gruppi di piante o animali selezionati e le schede informative sulle singole specie.
FloraFaunaAltoAdige si rivolge a tutte le persone che si occupano di flora e fauna dell'Alto Adige, in egual misura sia a specialisti che persone interessate.
Fin dalla sua fondazione nel , il Museo di Scienze Naturali dell'Alto Adige si pone come il centro di documentazione di riferimento per la flora e la fauna della regione.
Il portale vuole spronare la collaborazione nella rilevazione dei dati e rafforzare la comunicazione tra i conservatori del museo, in quanto gestori del portale, e gli esperti esterni, ma anche con le persone comuni che sono semplicemente interessate all'argomento.
Museo di Scienze Naturali dell'Alto Adige Via Bottai, 1 Bolzano www. Per richieste di contatto, domande e proposte su FloraFaunaAltoAdige scrivere a: florafauna naturmuseum.
L'utilizzo di FloraFaunaAltoAdige prevede che si accettino le condizioni elencate di seguito:. Per i dati estratti in generale e gli output mappe ed elenco delle specie : FloraFaunaAltoAdige.
Il portale sulla distribuzione delle specie animali e vegetali in Alto Adige. Museo di Scienze Naturali dell'Alto Adige, Bolzano.
Per il progetto: Wilhalm T. Kranebitter P. Gredleriana Per i lavori scientifici devono essere citate le pubblicazioni elettroniche sui diversi gruppi di organismi.
Per la ricerca di singole specie animali e vegetali sono disponibili due diverse funzioni. Dato che tutte le specie di un genere segnalate in Alto Adige vengono elencate, FloraFaunaAltoAdige assolve anche alla funzione di catalogo delle specie checklist.
La mappa di localizzazione, invece, indica i luoghi dell'avvistamento di una specie se si dispone delle coordinate il punto esatto o uno dei luoghi di riferimento nelle vicinanze.
FloraFaunaAltoAdige utilizza tre indicazioni di stato vedi il simbolo relativo , che nella flora e fauna talvolta sono utilizzati diversamente:.
La maggioranza dei dati proviene comunque dalla cartografia floristica in corso. La definizione tassonomia delle specie rappresentate si basa essenzialmente su Fischer M.
Adler W. La nomenclatura segue Wilhalm et al. Niklfeld H. Carex , Johannes Walter Vienna; Amaranthus, Chenopodium, Portulaca , Thomas Wilhalm Bolzano; Poaceae, v.
Festuca , Christian Zidorn Colonia; Crepis, Leontodon, Scorzoneroides. Persone che hanno raccolto e trasferito dati dagli anni Ottanta del Novecento nell'ambito della cartografia floristica: Christine Aichner Molini di Tures , Georg Aichner Tires , C.
Genesio , Friedrich Ladurner Merano , Walter Lang Erpolzheim, D , Andreas Lanthaler Plata , Cesare Lasen Arson di Feltre, BL , Sonja Latzin Vienna , Gisella Leitner Valles , Wolfgang Lippert Monaco , Karin Lorenz Weinheim, D , Richard Lorenz Weinheim, D , Johann Madl Caldaro , Petra Mair Bolzano , Fabrizio Maraner Bressanone , Markus Masetti Laives , Sibylle Matzneller Aldino , Marco Merli Sclemo di Stenico , Georg Niedrist Bolzano , Harald Niklfeld Vienna , Erich Obrist Caldaro , Konrad Pagitz Innsbruck , Sylvi Pallua Bolzano , Thomas Peer Bolzano e Salisburgo , Giorgio Perazza Rovereto , Herbert Petter Wetzlar, D , Anton Pfeifer St.
Willner Vienna , Franz Xaver Winter Monaco , Hartmann Wirth Caldaro , Franziska Zemmer Cortina all'Adige , Christian Zeus Stelvio , Christian Zidorn Innsbruck.
Aellen P. In: Hegi G. Illustrierte Flora von Mitteleuropa, 2. Albers F. Haussknechtia, 7: Argenti C.
Lasen C. Rovereto, Sez. Arietti N. Dalla scoperta alla ricostruzione dell'areale. Natura Bresciana, Bachmann S. Becherer A. Bauhinia, 5 3 : Bauhinia, 5 4 : Bojko H.
Eine neue Sippe aus den Dolomiten. Bolzon P. Nota IV. Nuovo Giorn. Nota VIII. Nota X. Bona E. Museo Civico Rovereto. Bosin B. Der Schlern, Bottega S.
Boraginaceae in Italia. Revisione biosistematica. Webbia, Braun-Blanquet J. Von der Provence bis zur Steiermark.
Fischer, Stuttgart. Dalla Torre K. Innsbruck, Damboldt J. Desfayes M. Dunkel F. Gredleriana, 5 : Favarger C. Festi F. Studi Trentini Scienze Naturali, Atti Acc.
Agiati, Fill J. Florineth F. Gottschlich G. Gregor T. Rollik J. Greimler J. Hermanowski B. Guiggi A. Lobivia silvestrii Riv. Rowley Cactaceae nell'Italia settentrionale: aspetti tassonomici, biologici e corologici.
Atti Soc. Museo civ. Milano, Hand R. Hessen, Beiheft 9. Handel-Mazzetti H. Regni Veget. C, Handel-Mazzetti Hermann, Zur floristischen Erforschung von Tirol und Vorarlberg [VI].
Handel-Mazzetti Hermann, Das Florenbild der Deutschgegend am Nonsberg. Schlern-Schriften, Handel-Mazzetti Hermann, Zur floristischen Erforschung von Tirol und Vorarlberg, VIII.
Wien, Hauser M. Hellrigl K. Hellweger M. Studi Trentini, 8: Heubl G. Heydebrand E. Hilpold A. In: Hilpold A. Gredleriana, 5: Hintner C. Forstwirtschaft, Bozen.
Phyton Austria , Horn K. Sackwitz P. Feddes Repertorium, Rundbriefe, Jang C. Linnean Soc. Kalela A. Kiem J. Tageszeitung Dolomiten vom Tageszeitung Dolomiten vom 7.
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